Within the context of urban studies, the segregation of ethnic minor section in UK has been regarded as a debatable issue based on conceptual as well as measurement factors related to the scope of the social phenomenon. Several investigations in the domain of political geography have concentrated on factors related to ethnicity of the locality that has further influenced the political action of Britain (Carter 2013). The essay will intend to enlighten the way poverty and ethnic segregation has been obstructing the active participation on UK politics and the ways to conquer it.
The ‘ethnic community model’ has assumed that the ethnic minority sections tend to experience shared issues and further have inclinations that are regarded as specific as well as distinctive from the majority section of the population (Standing 2014). However, the spirit and will to express such preferences by individuals of similar ethnic minor sections further coerces them towards the growth of political operations of the nation. Studies in Britain revealed South Asian communities following the Muslim and Hindu loyalty and ideologies tend to possess greater rate of propensity of voter turnout along with voting registration while living amongst multicultural ethnic communities (Small 2014). However, it is important to note that impact of ethnicity can be immensely influential if ethnic communities are spatially segregated from the rest of the local populace (McBride and Mustchin 2013). The cohesion of ethic members can further be reflected and thereby enhance the in-group perception that status quo situates them in a detrimental and unfavourable situation in comparison to the rest of the population (Heath et al., 2013). Furthermore, the consequential in-group integration further generates the union of some political action. In-group solidarity integration and cohesion of ethnic communities of immense residential separation can pose impending support to political engagement (Alkon et al., 2013). Political disengagement in Britain is regarded to be more prevalent among the ethnic minor groups. Though ethnic minorities are considered to be more contented with democratic situation in the UK in comparison to the white people, however informed declined levels of political expertise and knowledge along with active involvement in political operations than citizens belonging to other industrial backgrounds (Swales 2016). It is noted that such ethnic communities are less engaged in electoral registration and to elect. Factors related to election are regarded as chief indicators of political detachment whereby, voter turnout has seen a decline over the past few years. It is revealed that the attendance of European Union Referendum in June 2016 was over 70% that higher in comparison to any UK General Vote since the 1990s (Rampton 2017). The sections of ethnic minorities are considered to be less politically engaged than the white citizens that is further proved in the 2017 UK general election (Carter 2013). The turnout amongst BME voters was over 60% that is regarded as 5% lower than the turnout as recorded among the white voters that had the record of almost 70% (Goodwin and Heath 2016). It is noted that the rate of number of people in General election were similar for the ethnic minorities whereas the white population who were considered to be on the electoral register have further suggested decreased rate of attendance among ethnic communities which is driven by low level rates of registration (Cook and Stevenson 2016). However, London is considered to the most ethnically diverse region of Great Britain, yet the projection made by British Future have recommended that the voting gap has created less divergence in London in last year comparing to the rest of the regions on the nation. It is noted that a quarter of 30 election seats would have made drastic change if the ethnic election gap had been congested are in capital (McBride and Mustchin 2013). Furthermore according to the British Future Projection, the cultural and ethnic voting gap had played a significant role in the revelation Labour benefits in London belonging to the Conservatives namely, Battersea, Croydon Central as well as Kensington (Standing 2014). Several votes in London that showed increased rate on the Conservative target list of 2017, which were further held by labour with immense rise, cannot be accredited to the voting gap of the ethnic groups (Goodwin and Heath 2016). The primary reason being that, the Conservatives performed in an unimpressed way with both the white British citizen as well as the ethnic minor voters in the capital (Cook and Stevenson 2016). The Britain’s democracy not only exposed the gap between the voting attendance of the richest and the less income groups. The ethnic minority along with the low income group have been witnessed to have influenced the Britain welfare reform. Such sections are being vehemently evaluated and further criticized for their interest to engage into welfare and poverty discourse (Rampton 2017). Furthermore, the Conservatives have been thoroughly criticised by the Labour for the inexcusable record on child poverty further focusing on the majority of sections of poverty stricken children belonging to households of one income (Goodwin and Heath 2016). Such factors have been posed as a vital barrier for the poor marginalized sections in voting procedures. An election in order to leave the EU has involved certain level of ambiguity cause of the absence of concrete and detailed proposals on the base of what the UK election keep the options in preferences. The political influence on the UK following Brexit have further affected the UK’s competence to aid its citizens and further places at risk of economic deficiency (Standing 2014). The economic deficient households comprising of incomes of less than £ 20,000 annually were more inclined to support the exit of British from European Union in comparison to the affluent citizens, as were the unemployed sections along with the sections of low-expertise and manual occupations (McBride and Mustchin 2013). Demographic factors along with educational aspect especially the inequality towards the education disparity has been considered as one of the vital influencer. Several sections of Britain have been lagging due to various rapid economic shifts and further being segregated from the conventional consensus who were more inclined to aid the Brexit (Rampton 2017). Thus, people belonging to economically deprived sections face immense barriers and obstructions in the UK elections. On the other hand, the absence of skills and qualifications have been regarded as a vital shortcoming in contemporary economy further face marginalization within the UK voting activities by the lack of prospects and opportunities that was viewed within the marginalized sections (Cook and Stevenson 2016). The political scenario of Britain has further triggered a debate in regards to the separation of Britain whereby, several have traced the election for exit of Britain from EU to economically poor and low skilled deprived sections of the UK which amidst a post-industrial and rising developing economy have been struggling to maintain the pace with qualified areas.
The UK government has established an objective of reducing the gap of ethnicity employment within the following three years. As the UK General Election in 2017 viewed a steady decline by 0.5 points in the 20 most culturally diversified voting seats, the Labour votes have been viewed to rise by 10 points (Simister 2016). UK despite of facing immensely increased rate of service, the ethnic minority communities have remained economically deprived and inactive with racism as well as prejudice being the prominent barriers to vote (Rampton 2017). Sustaining increased rates of poverty and ethnicity among groups the UK government must work on addressing such barriers to accomplish labour market success. The UK Electoral commission must engage in conducting post-voting survey and further concentrate on community programme across the UK comprising UK with its immense BME population. The UK electoral commission must further identify the significant contribution of the media in order to mobilise the electorate and through several investigation projects further attempting to improve understanding of the preferences and ideologies of BME. The electoral commission further has been evaluating the potentialities of investigation with the objective of recognising the most effective instances of political parties who have been engaging with public interests (McBride and Mustchin 2013). The UK government must assist the BME communities to make advancements from low-income requirements by concentrating on enhancing accessibilities to induction and skill development along with a confined focus whereby skill gaps exist (Simister 2016). The development of metro mayors in areas comprising of vast BME communities provide an opportunity to reflect things which are achievable. UK government must further initiate funding, aid for ESOL that is English for Speakers of Other Languages regarding of courses in areas of immense demand, and further provide them access to British voting (Cook and Stevenson 2016). The efficiency in low paid groups such as retail and hospitality comprise for a third of the efficiency gap between UK and other European nations whereby, the BME workers have been engaged in employment (Simister 2016). The electoral commission has further suggested that the industrial development of industrial planning and strategy white paper of UK government that further intends to seek agreements with the section of low-paid groups in order to ascertain the rate of efficiency (Jones 2016).
Furthermore, enhanced management value expertise, induction, training along with recent technologies would facilitate in benefitting the less affluent ones in these sectors and further address the barriers of the ethnic groups in UK voting. The essay effectively highlighted the barriers faced by ethnic as well as economically deprived section of the UK within the election process and further show effective citizenship.
References
Alkon, A.H., Block, D., Moore, K., Gillis, C., DiNuccio, N. and Chavez, N., 2013. Foodways of the urban poor. Geoforum, 48, pp.126-135.
Carter, A., 2013. The political theory of global citizenship. Routledge.
Cook, C. and Stevenson, J., 2016. Longman companion to Britain since 1945. Routledge.
Goodwin, M. and Heath, O., 2016. Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 31.
Heath, A.F., Fisher, S.D., Rosenblatt, G., Sanders, D. and Sobolewska, M., 2013. The political integration of ethnic minorities in Britain. OUP Oxford.
Jones, A., 2016. Britain and the European Union. Edinburgh University Press.
McBride, A. and Mustchin, S., 2013. Creating sustainable employment opportunities for the unemployed. Policy Studies, 34(3), pp.342-359.
Rampton, B., 2017. Crossing: Language and ethnicity among adolescents. Routledge.
Simister, J., 2016. UK workers competing with other European Union countries: the importance of education.
Small, S., 2014. Racialised barriers: the Black experience in the United States and England in the 1980’s. Routledge.
Standing, G., 2014. A precariat charter: From denizens to citizens. A&C Black.
Swales, K., 2016. Understanding the Leave vote. NatCen Social Research.
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